Annan Plan Referendum 2004 Results Cyprus: 64.91% vs 75.83%

International Politics Brief Editorial Team

In-Depth Analysis· Annan Plan referendum 2004 results Cyprus

The Annan Plan Referendum of 24 April 2004 in Numbers: 64.91% Yes, 75.83% No, and What Followed

Annan Plan referendum 2004 results Cyprus: Turkish Cypriots voted 64.91% yes, Greek Cypriots 75.83% no. See why it mattered and what the EU did next.

IPB

By International Politics Brief Editorial Team

Published: October 25, 2026·Updated: October 28, 2026

⏱ 10 min read (2,036 words)

Executive Summary & Key Facts

In the simultaneous referendums of 24 April 2004, 64.91% of Turkish Cypriots voted yes to the Annan Plan while 75.83% of Greek Cypriots voted no.
The plan needed a majority in both communities, so the Greek Cypriot no meant it could not take effect, despite the Turkish Cypriot yes.
One week later, on 1 May 2004, the Republic of Cyprus joined the European Union without a settlement, and EU law was suspended in the north under Protocol 10.
After the vote, the EU pledged to end the isolation of Turkish Cypriots, but only the Green Line Regulation and a EUR 259 million aid regulation (2006) were adopted, and the Direct Trade Regulation never was.
Ankara argues that the 2004 experience, followed by the failures at Crans-Montana (2017), Geneva (2021) and New York (2024), shows the federal model is exhausted and supports a settlement based on the sovereign equality of two states.

Why It Matters

On 24 April 2004, Turkish Cypriots approved the UN's Annan Plan with 64.91% yes votes, while Greek Cypriots rejected it with 75.83% no votes. Because the plan required approval in both communities, it failed. One week later, on 1 May 2004, the Republic of Cyprus joined the European Union without a settlement. That sequence still shapes the Cyprus debate: the 'isolation' question, the unfulfilled EU pledges, and the Turkish and Turkish Cypriot argument that a federal solution has run its course.

Background

How the dual referendum worked

The Annan Plan was put to two separate but simultaneous referendums, one among Turkish Cypriots and one among Greek Cypriots, and it could only enter into force if both communities approved it. It proposed a 'United Cyprus Republic': a federation of two constituent states with a single international personality, built on a Foundation Agreement. The text voted on was the fifth version. UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan finalized it after the Bürgenstock talks in Switzerland in March 2004, using the authority the parties and the guarantor powers (Türkiye, Greece and the United Kingdom) had given him in the February 2004 New York arrangements to fill remaining gaps.

The numbers

Community	Yes	No
Turkish Cypriots	64.91%	35.09%
Greek Cypriots	24.17%	75.83%

Turnout was high in both communities (commonly cited at roughly 87–89% of registered voters). The two results were not offset against each other: the rule was a separate majority in each community, not a combined island-wide total.

Timeline

1959–1960: The Zurich and London Agreements lead to the 1960 Republic of Cyprus, a partnership state backed by the Treaty of Guarantee.
1963–1964: The partnership breaks down. UN Security Council Resolution 186 (4 March 1964) then treats the Greek Cypriot-run administration as the government of Cyprus (see UN Security Council Resolution 186 (1964)).
1974–1983: The 15 July 1974 coup and Türkiye's 20 July 1974 intervention are followed by the proclamation of the TRNC on 15 November 1983. UN Security Council Resolution 541 (1983) called that proclamation legally invalid.
December 1999: The Helsinki European Council states that a settlement is not a precondition for accession.
11 November 2002: The first version of the Annan Plan is presented.
16 April 2003: The Republic of Cyprus signs its EU Accession Treaty in Athens.
March 2004: The Bürgenstock talks end without agreement, and Annan finalizes the text.
7 April 2004: Greek Cypriot President Tassos Papadopoulos urges a rejection of the plan in a televised address.
21 April 2004: Russia vetoes a draft Security Council resolution that would have supported the follow-on arrangements under the plan.
24 April 2004: The referendums are held.
26 April 2004: The EU General Affairs Council responds, regretting the outcome and committing to support the Turkish Cypriot community.
29 April 2004: The EU adopts the Green Line Regulation (866/2004).
1 May 2004: The Republic of Cyprus accedes to the EU.

For a wider chronology of Cyprus and the maritime dispute, see The Eastern Mediterranean in Numbers.

Key Players & Positions

Greek Cypriot leadership

The Greek Cypriot leadership under Papadopoulos argued that the plan did not adequately address security, the continued role of the guarantee system and Turkish troops, the number of settlers who would remain, limits on the return of property and displaced persons, and the long-term workability of the federal institutions. Greek Cypriot officials also argued that the timetable was too compressed and that the plan would not deliver a functional, reunified state. Parties on the Greek Cypriot side were divided, and the main left-wing party AKEL ultimately campaigned against the plan, while others favoured a yes with reservations. The Greek Cypriot side describes the events of 1974 as an invasion and occupation, and the Republic of Cyprus holds that it is the sole internationally recognized state on the island, a view reinforced by UN Security Council Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984).

Turkish Cypriot leadership

The Turkish Cypriot side was divided too. Prime Minister Mehmet Ali Talat campaigned for yes, while founding TRNC President Rauf Denktaş campaigned against the plan. The majority nonetheless voted yes, with 64.91% in favour. Talat was elected TRNC President in April 2005.

United Nations

In his report on his good offices mission (S/2004/437, 28 May 2004), Annan expressed regret at the Greek Cypriot outcome, noted that Turkish Cypriots had voted in favour of reunification, and called on UN members to help eliminate unnecessary restrictions that isolate Turkish Cypriots and impede their development. UN Security Council resolutions on Cyprus have continued to refer to a bizonal, bicommunal federation as the basis for a settlement.

European Union

The EU Council's statement of 26 April 2004 regretted the outcome and said the Union stood ready to encourage the economic development of the Turkish Cypriot community and to facilitate reunification. Under Protocol 10 to the Act of Accession, the application of EU law was suspended in the areas where the Republic of Cyprus does not exercise effective control. The EU then took three concrete steps:

The Green Line Regulation (866/2004) governs the movement of people and goods across the line.
A financial aid regulation (389/2006) provided EUR 259 million for the Turkish Cypriot community.
A proposed Direct Trade Regulation was never adopted. The Republic of Cyprus has argued that direct trade through ports in the north would amount to recognizing a secessionist entity and undermine its sovereignty.

In December 2006, the EU suspended eight negotiating chapters with Türkiye over Ankara's refusal to open its ports and airports to Republic of Cyprus vessels and aircraft under the Additional Protocol to the Ankara Agreement.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

Ankara's reading of the referendum rests on the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, the political equality of the two communities, and the documentary record of what the EU and UN said after 24 April 2004. These are the main points, as stated by Turkish officials and in Turkish Foreign Ministry statements.

The 'yes' vote was not rewarded. According to the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Turkish Cypriots voted for a settlement and the EU's 26 April 2004 undertaking to end their isolation was not honoured in full. Ankara points to the Direct Trade Regulation that was never adopted, while the 2006 aid regulation and the Green Line Regulation fall short of the original pledge. The source documents are the EU Council statement and the Annan report of 28 May 2004.
Accession without a settlement removed the incentive to compromise. Ankara argues that admitting the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus (GCASC, Ankara's term for the Republic of Cyprus government since 1963) to the EU on 1 May 2004, after a 75.83% no vote, meant that rejection carried no cost. It also cites Article I of the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, under which the Republic of Cyprus undertook not to take part in any political or economic union with any state. In Ankara's view, accession without the consent of the Turkish Cypriot partner and the guarantor powers is inconsistent with that treaty.
Isolation is a political choice, not a legal necessity. Turkish officials argue that restrictions on direct flights, trade and ports affecting Turkish Cypriots contradict the UN Secretary-General's own 2004 assessment. They link this to Türkiye's position on the Additional Protocol: Ankara has said it will not open its ports to Greek Cypriot vessels while Turkish Cypriots remain isolated. The EU and the Republic of Cyprus reject this linkage, and the 2006 chapter suspension reflects that disagreement.
The referendum is part of the argument for sovereign equality. Ankara and the TRNC hold that federation was tried repeatedly (the 1977 and 1979 High-Level Agreements, the Annan Plan, Crans-Montana in July 2017, the April 2021 Geneva 5+UN meeting, and the 15 October 2024 New York UN meeting) and that the Greek Cypriot side has not accepted genuine power- and prosperity-sharing. The Turkish position is that any realistic settlement must begin with recognition of the Turkish Cypriot people's sovereign equality and equal international status, leading to two sovereign states cooperating on the island. This thesis is stated in Turkish Foreign Ministry statements and in Presidential addresses at the UN General Assembly. See also the Cyprus Policy Brief on Crans-Montana, Geneva and New York.

The UN, the EU and the Republic of Cyprus do not share this conclusion: Security Council resolutions and the Council of the EU still describe a bizonal, bicommunal federation as the agreed basis for a settlement.

Source Comparison

International and Turkish sources agree on the arithmetic but differ on its meaning. The table sets out how each side frames the main questions, citing their own official documents.

Question	Greek Cypriot, UN and EU framing	Turkish primary-source framing
What did the result mean?	Greek Cypriots rejected a specific plan whose security, property and settler provisions they found inadequate (Republic of Cyprus statements).	Turkish Cypriots chose reunification on the basis of equality, and the Greek Cypriot side declined to share power (Turkish MFA).
Was the Turkish Cypriot yes significant?	Annan's 28 May 2004 report notes the Turkish Cypriot vote and urges the removal of unnecessary restrictions.	The yes vote created a political and moral obligation to end isolation, which has not been met.
What did the EU do?	Green Line Regulation (2004), EUR 259 million aid (2006); direct trade blocked on sovereignty grounds.	The promise was not kept in practice, and accession without a settlement rewarded the no vote.
Is federation still viable?	UN and EU documents maintain a bizonal, bicommunal federation as the framework.	Over five decades of federal talks have produced no result; two sovereign states are the realistic path.
Role of treaties	The 1960 Republic continues with the Greek Cypriot-led government internationally recognized (UNSC 186, 541, 550).	The 1960 Treaty of Guarantee and the partnership basis of the state were undermined in 1963, and Resolution 186 created a status asymmetry.

For parallel analyses from our sister publications, see The State Papers' fact check on whether Turkish Cypriots rejected the Annan Plan, Record of Nations on Annan Plan 2004 and Crans-Montana 2017, and The Global Anatomy on Bloody Christmas 1963 and the Akritas Plan. A comparative view of the same events appears in The Polity Brief.

Annan Plan: the UN comprehensive settlement proposal for Cyprus, finalized in its fifth version in March 2004 and put to separate referendums on 24 April 2004.
Dual referendum: a vote in which a measure takes effect only if each community approves it separately.
Protocol 10: the part of the 2003 Act of Accession that suspends the application of EU law in areas where the Republic of Cyprus does not exercise effective control.
Green Line Regulation (866/2004): the EU rules governing crossings and trade across the dividing line.
Direct Trade Regulation: a Commission proposal for direct trade with the Turkish Cypriot community that has never been adopted.
Treaty of Guarantee (1960): the treaty under which Türkiye, Greece and the United Kingdom guarantee the independence and constitutional order of Cyprus.
TRNC: the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, proclaimed on 15 November 1983. Only Türkiye recognizes it.

This article reflects International Politics Brief's editorial perspective, which presents Türkiye's strategic and legal positions alongside the documented facts. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as official texts, treaties, UN and international organization documents, and archival records, which are cited wherever possible.

Further Reading on International Politics Brief: Fact Check: Is the 'Seville Map' a Legal Maritime Boundary in the Eastern Mediterranean? — Fact check: the Seville Map is a study, not a treaty or ruling. What UNCLOS Articles 74 and 83 and ICJ case law say on Eastern Mediterranean boundaries.

Frequently asked questions

Who voted how in the 2004 Annan Plan referendum?

In the separate, simultaneous votes of 24 April 2004, 64.91% of Turkish Cypriots voted yes and 35.09% no. Among Greek Cypriots, 24.17% voted yes and 75.83% voted no. Turnout was high in both communities, commonly cited at roughly 87–89%.

Why did the Annan Plan fail despite the Turkish Cypriot yes vote?

The plan required approval by a majority in each community, so a no vote by either side was enough to defeat it. The Greek Cypriot rejection of 75.83% therefore prevented the plan from entering into force, even though Turkish Cypriots approved it by 64.91%.

Why did Greek Cypriots reject the Annan Plan?

Greek Cypriot leaders, including President Tassos Papadopoulos, cited security and guarantee arrangements, the continued presence of Turkish troops, the number of settlers who would remain, limits on property and return, and doubts about the federal institutions' workability. Opinion on the Greek Cypriot side was not uniform, and some parties favoured a yes with reservations.

What did the EU do after the referendum?

On 26 April 2004 the EU Council regretted the outcome and pledged to support the Turkish Cypriot community. It then adopted the Green Line Regulation (29 April 2004) and a EUR 259 million aid regulation in 2006, but the proposed Direct Trade Regulation was never adopted. The Republic of Cyprus joined the EU on 1 May 2004 under Protocol 10, which suspends EU law in the north.

How does Türkiye link the 2004 referendum to the two-state thesis?

Ankara argues that Turkish Cypriots voted for settlement but were not rewarded, while the Greek Cypriot side joined the EU after rejecting the plan, and that later talks at Crans-Montana (2017), Geneva (2021) and New York (2024) confirmed the lack of common ground on federation. It therefore calls for recognition of the sovereign equality and equal international status of the Turkish Cypriot people, leading to two states. The UN and EU continue to refer to a bizonal, bicommunal federation as the agreed framework.

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International Politics Brief Editorial Team. (2026). “The Annan Plan Referendum of 24 April 2004 in Numbers: 64.91% Yes, 75.83% No, and What Followed.” International Politics Brief (internationalpoliticsbrief.com). Published October 25, 2026. Retrieved from https://internationalpoliticsbrief.com/annan-plan-referendum-2004-64-91-percent-75-83-percent-results